NEW YORK CITY 2026 Voter Guide
This fall, national attention is on the midterm elections that will decide the balance of power in Congress, but only one congressional district in New York is considered a true toss-up. Limited national focus on the Empire State belies the importance of the questions facing New York this November. Voters will decide whether to give Governor Hochul a second term. Additionally, while Democratic control of the New York state legislature is not in question, who is in the room and in power—and what decisions they make to reduce housing and childcare costs, make commutes faster and streets safer, and tackle existential challenges from climate change to artificial intelligence—will have immediate and daily consequences for every New York voter.
This Voter Guide highlights competitive, high-stakes races with strong candidates in New York State—and breaks down the ballot propositions that all city voters have a chance to weigh in on. It recommends the candidates most likely to deliver on an “abundance agenda" those who fight to make it faster, easier, and cheaper for New York to deliver what New Yorkers need.
Every candidate was able to submit a questionnaire seeking answers to questions about their policy vision, experience, and viability. If a race is covered below, the relevant questionnaire(s) are linked in full for review.
For November 3, 2026, general election. Early voting October 24–November 1. Find your voting info.
2026 General Election Recommendations
Charter Amendments
State Legislature
SD-9
Lisa Vider
SD-38
Joseph Rand
sd-39
Lisa Kaul
sd-41
Michelle Hinchey
sd-43
Devin Lander
sd-45
Melissa Seale
sd-55
Samra Brouk
ad-30
Patrick Martinez
ad-46
Chris McCreight
ad-107
Chloe Pierce
ad-134
Kurt VanWuyckhuyse
Not Competitive But Worth A Mention
Congress
NY-10
Brad Lander
NY-12
Micah Lasher
NY-14
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez
NY-15
Ritchie Torres
NY-22
John Mannion
Statewide
The governor is unequivocally the most powerful elected official in the state—and arguably one of the most impactful in the country.
In New York, the governor has a particularly strong role in shaping the state budget; the legislature has limited capacity to push back against the spending and policy priorities proposed out of the executive chamber. With New York’s annual budgets now over $260 billion, the governor is largely dictating the shape and size of services, from public education to healthcare provision to housing and energy policy, that touch the lives of all 20 million New Yorkers. Additionally, the governor’s appointments to boards like the MTA give her effective control of the state’s public transportation apparatus, which carries over 5 million riders every weekday.
New York’s $2.5 trillion GDP would make it one of the ten richest sovereign nations, and its GDP per capita is the highest of any state in the country. Governing New York means sitting atop a singularly influential administration—one of the few with enough heft to counterbalance the decisions of the federal government or to set national and international policy standards independent of national action. It’s no wonder that past governors have clung to power for so long, and that so much money is spent to win—and keep—the office.
Governor of New York
Our Choice
Kathy
Hochul
After ascending unexpectedly to the state’s highest office in 2021 and narrowly winning election in her own right in 2022, Kathy Hochul, New York’s first woman governor, has found her stride. She is an impressively effective and clear-eyed leader focused on delivery—even when it means taking on tough fights against the Trump administration and special interests closer to home. We strongly recommend that New York voters give her a second full term to continue her work.
On housing, New York’s central challenge, Governor Hochul has far outpaced her predecessor in centering the home shortage and resulting affordability crisis. Housing is the issue that hits New Yorkers’ wallets harder than any other cost, making up 40% of city residents’ household budgets. In 2023, she proposed a large-scale Housing Compact to require every municipality to do its fair share in adding new homes to the statewide stock. Reflecting her unsteady start, that plan was quickly shot down in the legislature. Since then, Governor Hochul has regrouped and won subsequent fights to speed new home construction. Last session, she worked with the legislature to update the 50-year-old State Environmental Quality Review Act (SEQRA) that had once been instrumental in slowing fossil fuel and highway infrastructure but has lately been abused to slow affordable housing and renewable energy.
On clean energy more broadly, Governor Hochul has taken an “all of the above” approach to developing energy at the scale needed to reduce emissions and electricity bills. Her pursuit of new nuclear power is especially encouraging, given the recognition that the shutdown of the Indian Point plant did not spur clean energy production—instead, it entrenched fossil fuel use.
Governor Hochul has been forthright in dealing with the challenges posed by technical innovation while taking advantage of opportunities. Her school cell-phone ban is earning plaudits from teachers, parents, and students—protected from the distraction and addiction posed by social media, and allowed to focus and learn more effectively. She helped secure Micron’s historic $100 billion semiconductor manufacturing investment in central New York. While drawing Micron in, the governor has paused data center development—a savvy move to consider the additional energy demand coming from large-scale AI companies, to prioritize infrastructure investment that clearly serves the economic needs of New Yorkers, and to avoid signing the legislature’s more restrictive bill.
New York’s economy grew at a 4% rate in the second quarter of this year, faster than any other state and nearly double that of the national average. As the Trump tariffs, Iran War, and continued inflation hurt bottom lines nationwide, Governor Hochul is leading a state push to maintain economic growth while cutting costs for New Yorkers.
Indeed, Governor Hochul has been pointed in rebutting the Trump administration when necessary. She worked with the state legislature to pass new laws protecting immigrants from ICE incursions, convinced the administration to reverse course on blocking critical wind farms, was instrumental in the restart of construction on the Gateway Tunnel to improve train service into New York, and has become the strongest defender of New York City’s congestion pricing program against persistent promises from Trump and his Department of Transportation to shut it down.
Congestion pricing in particular is already paying real dividends: it has sped commutes and emergency vehicle times in Manhattan, improved air quality and street safety, and produced hundreds of millions of dollars for capital improvements to the subway. On transit more broadly, the governor has spearheaded the Interborough Express project that will connect Queens and Brooklyn through rail and unlock up to 100,000 new homes that the state desperately needs.
Our assessment of Governor Hochul’s tenure is not without criticism. The governor’s defense of congestion pricing came after her role pausing it, and her climate action has been accompanied by a push to roll back commitments the state made in 2019 to reduce its emissions. Governor Hochul is at her best when she is pushing boldly to launch new programs and to work across the ideological divide: her work with Mayor Mamdani on childcare and SEQRA reform are both strong examples of building coalitions to get big things done. When she is on the back foot, facing pressure—especially from suburban moderates—to slow climate action or stop congestion pricing, she is less effective. The state budget is over $260 billion, and yet we do not get our money’s worth, especially on education outcomes for our children. And the governor’s continued support of State Democratic Party Chair Jay Jacobs is also frustrating given his comparative unwillingness to think big on policy or work proactively with the organized left.
Still, when it comes to facing the Trump administration, fighting for New Yorkers, delivering lower costs and improved quality of life, and taking on existential challenges from climate change to artificial intelligence, Governor Hochul is far more trustworthy than her opponent—Nassau County Executive Bruce Blakeman. A month from Election Day, Blakeman’s website still has no policy section; as his campaign hammers Governor Hochul, he has little to offer by way of an alternative vision. He has particularly hit Governor Hochul on public safety, but crime in New York state has declined significantly under her watch, with shootings down 67% since she took office. And his most significant headlines as Nassau County Executive have been around culture war issues like an executive order to ban trans kids from playing in youth sports at county facilities; he recently proposed a statewide ban on trans girls in locker rooms, bathrooms, and girls’ lodging on overnight trips.
The governor’s victory is likely but not assured; recent polling has shown the race within ten points, and her win over Lee Zeldin in 2022 was a surprisingly small 6 points for a state as blue as New York. Undecided voters should give her a second full term. We look forward to even faster and bolder work to deliver lower rents, faster commutes, safer streets, and long-term security—and to continue improving the apparatus of state government to focus on staffing and on getting results.
Charter Amendments
What are charter amendments? The City Charter is essentially the constitution for New York City, and so charter amendments are five borough voters’ way of updating the mechanics of city government. In a four-hundred-year-old city, the way we’ve done things before isn’t necessarily the best way to do things today. (Indeed, the structure of the current city government itself—including our modern City Council—was created via charter amendment in 1989.)
In recent years, voters have amended the charter to bring term limits to Community Boards (2018), to introduce ranked choice voting into our primaries (2019), and to expand the jurisdiction of the sanitation department (2024), and more. Last year, they voted to create new fast tracks for affordable housing development—steps that are now delivering real new homes to New Yorkers who need them.
What’s the deal with this commission? While all city voters get to decide whether to approve or reject proposed amendments—requiring just a simple majority to pass—the amendments themselves come from Charter Revision Commissions (CRCs). CRCs are convened by either the mayor or the City Council, and they have the right to propose changes to any element of the charter. However, they are often convened with a particular focus in mind. This year’s CRC was convened by Mayor Mamdani and dubbed the Commission on Government Efficiency or “COGE” (a not-so-subtle reference to “DOGE,” Elon Musk’s wrecking ball taken to the federal government at the start of Donald Trump’s second presidential term).
After they’re called, the commissions act independently. COGE was chaired by Patrick Gaspard, a former ambassador, aide to President Obama, and president of the Center for American Progress, who also has a distinguished career in city government. Its Executive Director was Ann Cheng, a recent Director of Strategic Initiatives in the governor’s office. CRCs collect public testimony—with in-person hearings across the city—and perform extensive research into the charter’s strengths and shortcomings. Their findings are collected in a written report justifying proposed amendments. Below, find more detail about this year’s five questions and recommendations for how to vote on them. (Disclosure: Abundance New York contributed to the commission process that produced these proposals.)
Q1: Speed Up Public Space Improvements
Proposed Charter Amendment: Speed Up Process for Granting a Revocable Consent to Use Public Space
Simplify process to use public space for uses such as ramps, planters and cafes, by removing mandatory hearings and Council disapproval of sidewalk cafes, while maintaining community and Council input.
“Yes” speeds up process to use public space while maintaining community input. “No” maintains longer process with mandatory public hearing to use public space and Council review of sidewalk cafes.
If you are a fan of New York City’s outdoor dining, this amendment is an easy “yes.”
The reallocation of space formerly reserved for parking of private cars for roadway dining was a small silver lining of the Covid pandemic, adding to the vibrancy of the streetscape and helping beloved small businesses keep their doors open and keep staff employed. Subsequent permanent rulemaking at the City Council standardized the process for setting up outdoor dining spaces and for the structures themselves, at first limiting their deployment to only warmer weather months. That led to a plummeting number of outdoor dining spaces given the expense of applying for them, setting them up, and then dismantling them each spring.
The Council recently updated the rules to once again allow year-round dining, but the process to apply is still onerous and expensive. It takes about eight months and many thousands of dollars for restaurants to navigate the City’s Charter-mandated red tape. This amendment streamlines the process to save restaurants up to $1,800 on the application and six months on the timeline.
It’s not just outdoor dining that will be sped up by this amendment: other street improvements like ramps will help make the city more accessible in addition to making it more vibrant.
For regular New Yorkers, the net results will be the increased likelihood that they can get around safely, and that the neighborhood restaurants they enjoy can operate outdoor dining if they choose—reducing financial pressure to reduce staff or close altogether.
Q2: Reduce City Contractor Paperwork
Proposed Charter Amendment: Reduce City Contractor Paperwork; Require Regular Meetings of Procurement Policy Board
Reduce paperwork for City contractors by authorizing Procurement Policy Board to simplify contractor questionnaire. Require quarterly meetings of the Procurement Policy Board. Remove mandatory hearing for required client services report.
“Yes” amends Procurement Policy Board authority, including to simplify contractor questionnaire; authorizes Mayor to delegate certain contract approvals. “No” leaves laws unchanged, with Mayor and Comptroller maintaining longer questionnaire.
Many New Yorkers would be surprised to learn that nearly 40% of the city’s nearly $125 billion budget is allocated to nonprofits and businesses outside of the city government itself. Those contracts provide the actual goods and services the city and its residents use—from school buses to food pantries. However, the procurement process that those nonprofits and businesses must undertake to work with the city is outdated and slow.
This amendment is meant to make life easier for them, and to reduce the financial and personnel burdens on them to work with the city. It would simplify the questionnaires that the organizations must fill out and push more regular and transparent work from the city’s Procurement Policy Board.
The slow contracting process is deeply entrenched, and the median time from announcement of a need to announcement of a contract is 387 days for competitive sealed proposals—far too long, and unlikely to be solved by this amendment. Still, it is a step in the right direction and should be enthusiastically approved.
Q3: Speed Up Street Safety and City Property Disposition
Proposed Charter Amendment: Speed Up Street Safety Projects, Disposition of Unused City Property, Office Leasing
Simplify review of street safety projects to reduce construction timelines. Fast track disposition of unused City property with approval from City Planning Commission. Expedite leasing offices used for City workforce.
"Yes" simplifies street project approval, City property disposition and office leasing. "No" maintains intra-agency consultation for road projects, Council approval for City property dispositions and Council disapproval of office leases.
This amendment is about letting the city act faster across three areas: street safety improvements, choosing how to use small bits of land it owns, and leasing offices for the workforce.
First, bureaucratic rules slow down the approval of new street safety infrastructure like bike lanes and busways. This charter tweak would remove some of the internal red tape that hampers the Department of Transportation’s ability to get to work when it knows there is a dangerous street or intersection in need of improvements.
Second, the city has a set of small plots that cannot be used for city purposes and can generate needed revenue if sold. The current timeline for sale is roughly seven months; this amendment would speed it to 90 days, allowing multiple agencies to review the sale at the same time and exempting these small plot sales out of City Council review.
Third, the city currently needs hearings and approvals from the City Council and City Planning Commission when leasing office space, slowing down the work of city government. This question removes those requirements.
Simplifying office leasing and small plot sales are sensible, and speeding street safety improvements is vital. The amendment should be approved.
Q4: Simplify Building Permitting Process
Proposed Charter Amendment: Simplify Building Permitting and Move Waterfront Permitting to Department of Buildings
Create centralized construction permits hub to simplify permitting. Move waterfront permitting from Department of Small Business Services to Department of Buildings. Allow construction approval by additional Department of Buildings officials.
“Yes” simplifies permitting by authorizing a centralized permitting hub, moving waterfront permitting to Department of Buildings, and allowing additional Department of Buildings officials to issue approvals. “No” leaves laws unchanged.
In line with the commission’s overall “government efficiency” mandate, this amendment is about the efficiency of the Department of Buildings—and especially its role in permitting the creation of the homes New York needs. The city recently put out a report identifying that 700,000 new homes must be created over the next decade to address the affordability crisis and homelessness that result. To meet that need, the city must modernize the internal permitting processes that create paperwork delays without serving the public interest.
Currently, builders must seek 40 unique approvals from across 18 agencies. This amendment would create one permitting hub to give applicants one interface with the city government, and more guidance about how to work through requirements. (Additionally, the Department of Small Business Services currently oversees waterfront permitting; this amendment would rationalize permitting by putting this function under the Department of Buildings.)
As one piece of a sprawling puzzle to meet New Yorkers’ housing needs, this amendment must be adopted.
Q5: Set Contribution Targets for Rainy Day Fund
Proposed Charter Amendment: Set Contribution Targets for Rainy Day Fund to Promote Sufficient Budgetary Reserves
Set target amount of money to hold in reserve funds, including rainy day fund, to address unexpected financial hardships in future years, and require development of methodology to calculate contributions.
“Yes” requires Mayor to develop methodology for calculating deposits to rainy day fund, with deposits subject to approval in the City budget. “No” leaves laws unchanged, with no reserves target.
After recent reforms, New York City is now legally allowed to maintain a “rainy day fund” of money held aside for an emergency. This amendment would simply create a charter-mandated target of 12% of the city’s total tax revenues. It would also charge the Office of Management and Budget and city comptroller to work together to establish a formula for contributions.
Some fiscal responsibility advocates oppose this amendment for not going far enough. However, that attitude risks letting the perfect get in the way of the good. It is better to have a target for rainy day funds, and a roadmap for achieving them, than to maintain an uncertain status quo. Voters should approve this proposal.
State Legislature
Elections for the state legislature, along with the governor, are a primary arena for advancing an abundance agenda. Structurally, state legislatures are the right place for action. Legislators at this level can recognize the greater needs of the state and vote accordingly while also sympathizing with constituents who are uneasy about hyperlocal changes. The state-level political economy is thus more often favorable, and the most consequential wins nationwide have happened there. California legalized apartments near transit statewide in 2025. Montana passed a sweeping bipartisan zoning reform package in 2023—and doubled down in 2025. The number of statewide reforms has grown in recent years—highlighting the importance of these races.
The New York state legislature—63 senators and 150 Assembly members—writes the state budget, sets state law, and can override local law at any time. The climate law, congestion pricing, the MTA capital budget, Sammy’s Law, and the most recent budget agreement that reformed the state's environmental review process all had to pass through the legislature. But the New York state legislature has also been an obstacle to the supply reforms we need. In 2023, the legislature killed the governor's Housing Compact, which would have required localities across the state to legalize more housing. Given what we know is possible at the state level, we can be doing more in New York with a more abundance-oriented legislature.
All 63 Senate and 150 Assembly seats in New York are up for election every two years, including on November 3, 2026. Many of these races are in deeply blue or ruby red districts, or are uncontested altogether. Some are in competitive districts, but without crucial policy differentiation between the candidates on the issues that matter most to New York’s affordability, safety, and sustainability. The races below reflect those with competitive general elections underway, where there was strong differentiation between candidates on our issue set.
State Senate District 9
Nassau County
Our Choice
Lisa
Vider
In Nassau County, healthcare administrator and first-time candidate Lisa Vider is taking on two-term Senator Patricia Canzoneri-Fitzpatrick. Long Island has trended red over recent years, and this match-up has not made the top coverage of toss-up districts. However, Donald Trump only won this district by 4 points in 2024, and in a strong blue year it is certainly possible for a Democrat to prevail. As a result, this district deserves a close look by Long Islanders who are concerned about cost of living and quality of life.
On those counts, we recommend a vote for Vider, who will bring a much-needed affordability perspective to Albany. In response to this Voter Guide’s questionnaire, she wrote, “Long Island families are being squeezed by high property taxes and rising utility bills. I will fight for property tax relief and push to lower energy costs, so working families and seniors can afford to stay in the homes and communities they've built their lives in.” Disrupting a broken property tax regime and taking on inflated utility bills are exactly the kind of priorities New Yorkers need in the State Senate—especially from Long Island, where Republicans have long been a force for preservation of the status quo.
Moreover, Vider’s experiences in healthcare and education, working with the New York State Health Facilities Association | New York State Center for Assisted Living and serving on the board of the Brandeis Hebrew Academy, will serve her in helping address New York’s challenge with federal Medicaid cuts and subpar educational outcomes. As an Orthodox Jewish woman, she will represent an important perspective at a time of rising antisemitism in New York. Her endorsement by 32BJ SEIU suggests Vider will be a strong voice for working people.
In contrast, Republican Senator Patricia Canzoneri-Fitzpatrick is not delivering the forward-thinking leadership Long Islanders need, especially as Nassau County housing costs are reaching record highs. She has promoted a petition opposing Governor Hochul’s critical housing plans to reduce costs statewide, and she has criticized congestion pricing and landmark climate laws to reduce emissions and phase out natural gas for new homes. We recommend Vider and see her as a welcome moderate addition to the Senate’s Democratic conference.
Candidate Questionnaires
State Senate District 38
Rockland County
Our Choice
Joseph
Rand
Two-term Nyack Mayor Joseph Rand brings a record of executive service, business expertise, and clear-eyed vision about New York’s challenges to his race against incumbent Republican Senator Bill Weber. Most encouraging to us is Mayor Rand’s accurate diagnosis of the ways outdated approaches to government are hurting New Yorkers. As he wrote in the questionnaire for this Voter Guide, New York “has become too expensive and too difficult to build in. We need more housing, more clean energy, better infrastructure, and a government capable of delivering them faster and more affordably.” As a Democratic executive, Rand knows that delivering on progressive values requires a stronger public sector.
Mayor Rand’s experience running the largest brokerage firm in Rockland County has given him a front-row seat to the housing crisis unfolding north of New York City, where the average sale price of a home has nearly doubled since before the Covid pandemic. He has already delivered progress, including as a critical suburban voice for the SEQRA reforms that Governor Hochul and Mayor Mamdani collaborated on pushing last legislative session. Additionally, Rand helped land a $4.5 million “NY Forward” grant for Nyack, which includes partial funding for eight apartments of volunteer-firefighter housing, plus waterfront and downtown development. His legislative priorities of reducing housing costs, expanding clean energy, and improving state capacity are spot-on given the challenges facing residents of the 38th Senate district and beyond: skyrocketing rents and utility bills, existential challenges like climate change, and a diminishing faith in government.
Incumbent Bill Weber, on the other hand, has fought to defend the local zoning prerogatives that prevent the home construction needed to lower home purchase and rent costs. Additionally, he has been a leading voice against congestion pricing, including introducing legislation to permanently repeal the program. Given its importance in funding MTA upgrades, speeding commutes, and reducing emissions in New York City, we would be pleased to see his perspective decisively rejected.
While this is a Republican-leaning district, it is widely seen as truly competitive this fall. Mayor Rand has a serious résumé, deep ties to the county, and a broad coalition of support—from progressive organizations like the Working Families Party and Citizen Action New York, to labor unions including the AFL-CIO, CWA, and 1199 SEIU, to issue groups like the New York League of Conservation Voters. During the last public filing period, he raised 3 times as much from 9 times as many in-district donors as Senator Weber. Rockland County voters should choose change and send an effective and innovative leader to Albany.
Candidate Questionnaires
State Senate District 39
Parts of Dutchess, Putnam, and Orange Counties
Our Choice
Lisa
Kaul
Lisa Kaul is running to oust Republican Senator Rob Rolison in a Poughkeepsie-based State Senate district Kamala Harris won by just over four points in 2024. The blue lean of the district has made this race a true toss-up—and potentially the State Senate Democrats’ surest path back to a legislative supermajority.
Senator Rolison won his seat in 2022, and since then he has demonstrated disregard for the struggles of high housing costs. Instead of centering the supply crisis driving up rents, Rolison has blamed migrants for the district’s challenges. He introduced a bill to limit access to housing in hotels and shelters for migrants seeking refuge and work in New York State, a move based on false claims that homeless veterans were being displaced from shelter. Additionally, he has voted against bills to protect renters—important protections in a moment of skyrocketing costs, evictions, and displacement.
In contrast, Lisa Kaul will bring a humane and sophisticated approach to Albany. An immigrant herself from India, Kaul is a Rhodes Scholar who was naturalized in 2008. A Dutchess County legislator since 2024, she was previously the director of Vassar’s Office of Community-Engaged Learning and is a former school board member. Kaul has a strong electoral record, winning her seat with 58% of the vote and prevailing in a three-way primary this June. She is supported in this race by the Working Families Party and Citizen Action New York; labor unions like 32BJ, 1199 SEIU, CWA, NYSUT, and NYSNA; and issue groups like Open New York.
Kaul has a deep understanding of New York’s challenges and a robust policy agenda to address them. She is particularly focused on ending exclusionary zoning, legalizing new homes especially around transit, and reducing parking mandates—the key next steps to enable more density that will lower costs and reduce the need for driving. She has centered renters in her policymaking from both a supply and demand side, working on inclusionary zoning and Good Cause eviction. On energy, Kaul calls out speeding solar permitting and expanding geothermal energy. Unfortunately, she does not support new nuclear energy, citing long timelines and high costs to completion. Still, she is a champion of solar, wind, and geothermal, and of Virtual Power Plants and other energy storage and distribution innovations.
Kaul will be a significant improvement over Rolison, and we encourage voters in Dutchess, Orange, and Putnam counties to elect her.
Candidate Questionnaires
State Senate District 41
Columbia, Greene, and parts of Ulster and Dutchess County
Our Choice
Michelle
Hinchey
State Senator Michelle Hinchey is seeking reelection to her Hudson Valley seat just north of Poughkeepsie. First elected in 2020, Hinchey currently chairs the Agriculture Committee, where she brings a savvy understanding of the tensions between preservation of New York’s farmland and natural resources with the imperatives to advance new technologies and infrastructure. She is a strong proponent of the CLCPA, New York’s 2019 bill to reduce emissions, and she is a leading advocate for expanding solar development on brownfields. (However, she calls herself “unsure” about new nuclear power.)
As a site of population growth from New York City, especially in the wake of the Covid pandemic, Hinchey is proactive about addressing the pressures from increased demand that have raised local housing costs by 80%. Her Upstate Housing agenda includes thoughtful efforts like the Small Rental Development Initiative and ADU legalization to unlock new homes across the district. And she wants to expand public transit across the Hudson Valley.
Kamala Harris won this district in 2024 by nearly 12 points, and Hinchey ran over 5 points ahead of that margin. As a result, she is unlikely to be seriously in danger of losing reelection. However, her opponent Patrick Sheehan is a former prosecutor and volunteer firefighter who is running a spirited campaign. To his credit, he supports new nuclear energy—though he is otherwise opposed to New York’s bold climate policies. He would be less supportive than Hinchey of the broader housing, transit, and climate actions needed in the Hudson Valley and beyond.
Senator Hinchey is supported by issue groups like the New York League of Conservation Voters and Open New York, as well as progressive groups like the Working Families Party and an impressive slate of labor unions. She is likely to win, and she deserves reelection.
Candidate Questionnaires
State Senate District 43
Rensselaer County and parts of Washington and Albany Counties
Our Choice
Devin
Lander
The race for State Senate in the Capital Region’s 43rd district centered in Rensselaer County promises to be an interesting one. The district chose Kamala Harris by 3 points, but incumbent Republican Senator Jake Ashby won reelection decisively. It is unclear how vulnerable Ashby—elected in 2022 after four years in the Assembly—is to a challenge. We hope the incumbent is vulnerable, as we see challenger Devin Lander as likely to be a significant improvement for Albany-area voters to serve in their own backyard.
Senator Ashby is an unsatisfactory incumbent, antagonistic to the kinds of policy innovations that are needed to reduce housing prices, improve commutes, and reduce carbon emissions. He spoke for the Republican conference in 2023 in strongly opposing Governor Hochul’s Housing Compact. And, as an Assembly member, he voted no on the 2019 climate bill to lower the state’s emissions.
Devin Lander, in contrast, will bring a compelling perspective to the chamber. He is currently serving as New York’s 16th State Historian, a role he has held for a decade after previously working as the Executive Director of the Museum Association of New York (MANY) and Deputy Legislative and Policy Director in the State Assembly. Though Lander is a first-time candidate, he has a uniquely broad and deep historical and policy understanding of the workings of Albany. He has earned the support of the Working Families Party and Citizen Action New York, as well as labor unions like the CWA, PEF, and NYSNA.
Lander’s policy positions are far better than the incumbent’s, though not without room for improvement. He is aligned with needed housing and transit improvements to speed and expand new home construction and transit service. He also supports expanding clean energy. However, in the questionnaire for this Voter Guide, he expressed support for strong elements of local control, “which has long been a hallmark of NYS law.” That strong local veto has often been the culprit in slowing the infrastructure improvements New York needs. Additionally, though he acknowledges the need for improvements to New York’s civil service, Lander opposes temporary appointments, which allow roles to be filled for short periods outside onerous hiring rules and which are important in state work done.
Though Lander is not 100% aligned with our agenda, he is far closer than the incumbent—and we are excited to see him bring his perspective from safeguarding the state’s history to work in shaping its future.
Candidate Questionnaires
State Senate District 45
North Country and Capital Region
Our Choice
Melissa
Seale
New York’s North Country is rarely the site of contested elections, given its place as a Republican stronghold in an otherwise Democratic state. Few analysts see psychiatric nurse practitioner Melissa Seale’s challenge to State Senator Dan Stec as competitive—but we believe Seale and the race deserve a close look.
Donald Trump only carried this Senate district by about 6 points in 2024. Senator Stec was uncontested that year. In a strong Democratic year, with an unusually competitive congressional race on the same ballot—as Democratic dairy farmer Blake Gendebien takes on MAGA sticker magnate Anthony Constantino in the open 21st district—we see this race as a potential surprise.
Seale is an expert in one of the most important but under-tackled issues in New York: mental health and behavioral health, especially for children and teens. Her Well Child Clinic, opened in 2022, focuses on this population; and her Well Child Foundation nonprofit supports families as they seek community resources. Work like this could be powerfully amplified by support in the legislature, and Seale would bring extensive experience confronting the dynamic challenges facing New York’s youth to the state’s policymaking conversation.
We appreciate her focus on growth and infrastructure. As she wrote in the questionnaire for this Voter Guide, her priority is to “grow local economies and infrastructure: invest in broadband, transportation, small businesses, and family farms—the backbone of our North Country economy.” Her support from unions including the 1199 SEIU, NYSNA, and CWA, and from the Working Families Party, confirms strong organizing support and a commitment to progressive values.
Senator Stec has been a critic of the bold action New York is taking to move into the future—calling for the repeal of the CLCPA, the state’s landmark 2019 emissions-reduction law; and opposing the shift to electric vehicles. To his credit, Stec has pointed out that the high costs of construction impede housing development. On the other hand, he has scapegoated migrants as responsible for rising costs upstate, going so far as to propose legislation to ban sheltering immigrants on SUNY campuses. Seale is more aligned with New York’s values and policy needs.
Of course, this race will be a longshot for Seale. The district is the largest in the state, and that gives a cash advantage more weight than it might in a smaller district where it is easier to reach voters where they are without paid advertising. Senator Stec ended the last filing period with almost $450,000 on hand, while Seale had about $68,000. Still, in a wave year, with a candidate as compelling as Melissa Seale, New Yorkers could be in store for a welcome surprise—which we hope North Country voters help deliver.
Candidate Questionnaires
State Senate District 55
Rochester
Our Choice
Samra
Brouk
We strongly support the reelection of Senator Samra Brouk, first elected in 2020 and now serving as Chair of the Senate’s Committee on Mental Health. The Rochester Democrat prioritizes the exact issues most pressing to New Yorkers both upstate and downstate, and she is bringing a forward-thinking perspective to leadership of the conference.
Housing and homelessness, and the connection between them, are a major crisis facing New Yorkers everywhere—and Senator Brouk is a leader on addressing them. She notes in her questionnaire for this Voter Guide that a “housing first approach is one of the strongest tools we can use in this crisis,” connecting the role of stable housing to the goal of addressing mental health diagnoses. Additionally, Senator Brouk has already helped secure funding for infrastructure projects and streets advocacy organizations like Reconnect Rochester. She supports transit, clean energy, and housing policy that will reduce costs and improve communities. Hers is the kind of leadership we want to see more of in Albany.
Senator Brouk should have a relatively easy path to reelection, though her district is not completely uncompetitive. She ran over five points behind Kamala Harris at the top of the ticket in 2024, and her district’s makeup is far from the deepest blues of New York City. Her opponent, Republican Chris Brown, is running a real race on a relatively moderate platform, listing his top priorities as “affordable, reliable energy,” “keeping our communities safe,” and “supporting women and families.” However, he has forcefully opposed solar expansion, writing that he will ”stop the solar sprawl,” while instead seeking an end to New York’s fracked gas ban. He ended the last filing period in debt, and he does not seem to be securing local institutional endorsements.
Brouk is supported by the Working Families Party, Citizen Action New York, League of Conservation Voters, and a large list of labor unions. She is likely to win and we will be eager to see her return to office.
Candidate Questionnaires
State Assembly District 30
Woodside, Elmhurst, East Elmhurst, Maspeth, and Jackson Heights
Our Choice
Patrick
Martinez
The general election for an open Assembly seat in Queens is unlikely to surpass the primary in terms of interest: in June, Patrick Martinez beat Shamsul Haque by just seven votes. Still, we are eager to see Martinez win more decisively and head to Albany to solve problems for his Western Queens constituents and for all New Yorkers. (The seat is being vacated by Steven Raga, who ran unsuccessfully for the State Senate seat held by retiring Senator Mike Gianaris.)
Martinez is currently a district leader, an elected position representing the constituents of Assembly district 30 in Democratic Party decision-making. He has also served as a member of Queens Community Board 2. Professionally, he has focused on tech training and job placement for marginalized communities. His work on CB2 and as a district leader reflects policy commitments we will be keen to see in Albany, such as pushing for needed housing, while also maximizing the affordability of income-restricted units included in new developments. Housing is Martinez’s top priority—and it is New York’s most pressing need. As he writes, “We don't have enough housing New Yorkers can actually afford.”
Brandon Castro is the Republican nominee for the seat in a district won by Kamala Harris by 10 points. Likely outside true toss-up territory, the district nonetheless covers outer-borough areas that have swung against Democrats over recent years given understandable dissatisfaction with Democratic governance. Castro could be a vessel for that frustration. He is a lifelong Queens resident who has the backing of former council member Bob Holden and the New York Forward Party. His platform emphasizes the need for infrastructure improvements. However, he does not have a housing plan and lacks Martinez’s record of accomplishments.
Martinez is backed by StreetsPAC, which advocates for transit improvements and safety, as well as by the New York League of Conservation Voters, good government group Citizens Union, and many labor unions. Queens voters should elect him to the Assembly.
Candidate Questionnaires
State Assembly District 46
Coney Island, Sea Gate, and parts of Bath Beach, Bay Ridge, Brighton Beach, Dyker Heights, and Gravesend
Our Choice
Chris
McCreight
This Southern Brooklyn district will be one of the most closely watched in New York City on election night, providing rare competitiveness in the deep-blue borough. In fact, the race is a rematch of the 2024 election, which incumbent Republican Assembly Member Alec Brook-Krasny won by just under 1,500 votes. Brook-Krasny previously represented the district as a Democrat before resigning in 2015; in 2017, he was arrested on felony healthcare fraud charges but was later acquitted.
Between the party-switching and scandal-plagued Brook-Krasny and challenger Chris McCreight, the choice is clear: we recommend McCreight. He is currently senior advisor to Council Member Kayla Santosuosso and a district leader representing the constituents he seeks to serve in Albany.
On policy, we are excited to see McCreight replace the incumbent, who has made opposition to congestion pricing one of his signatures. McCreight, on the other hand, “calls for more control over NYC's mass transit and emergency funding for infrastructure upgrades.” In his response to this Voter Guide’s questionnaire, McCreight agreed fully with the imperatives that New York increase the supply of homes of all types to reduce rents, expand mass transit and micromobility for safer and more vibrant streets, and urgently scale clean energy.
McCreight is endorsed by the Working Families Party, Citizen Action New York, Churches United for Fair Housing, the New York League of Conservation Voters, and many labor unions. We hope Brooklyn voters will reverse their 2024 choice and send McCreight to Albany instead.
Candidate Questionnaires
State Assembly District 107
Parts of Rensselaer, Columbia, and Washington counties, and Bethlehem
Our Choice
Chloe
Pierce
Perhaps the closest general election Assembly contest outside New York City sees Democrat Chloe Pierce seeking a second shot against incumbent Republican Assembly Member Scott Bendett in this Capital Region district. In 2024, Bendett won by just under 6 points—a narrow reelection after he first won office in 2022. This likely bluer year gives Pierce, a government affairs advocate at an Albany lobbying firm, a good chance to jump the gap from lobbyist to lawmaker. We hope she succeeds.
In spite of the scale of the challenges New York faces, Bendett has described himself as skeptical of the need for lawmaking: "Legislatively, I find I don't really know how much we need new laws." His website attacks Democrats’ “radical climate agenda,” though in fact that agenda addresses the scale of the challenge of climate change—perhaps not radically enough. He also opposes congestion pricing.
Pierce has a better understanding of how to address New York’s affordability and climate crises, though she maintains some skepticism of bold action. She acknowledges the housing supply crisis, and says, “we need to increase all kinds of housing to address the affordability crisis.” However, her criticism of “one-size-fits-all” approaches mirrors language often used by local municipalities that want to maintain their veto power when the state proposes new requirements to speed and scale new home availability. She uses the same language in assessing new clean energy projects, though she does fulsomely support the expansion of solar and the creation of new green union jobs.
Pierce is endorsed by 1199 SEIU, NYSNA, PEF, CWA, the Working Families Party, and Open New York. Though we lack total alignment, we commend her interest in lawmaking to address New Yorkers’ challenges and recommend her election accordingly.
Candidate Questionnaires
State Assembly District 134
Monroe County, West of Rochester
Our Choice
Kurt
VanWuyckhuyse
Kurt VanWuyckhuyse is an outsider candidate taking on incumbent Assembly Member Josh Jensen, who first won election to this red Rochester-area district in 2020. The district chose Donald Trump over Kamala Harris by almost 10 points in 2024, and Jensen has decisively outraised VanWuyckhuyse, who nonetheless has received a good share of public matching funds (available from the state for candidates who receive small contributions from in-district donors). Overall, we find VanWuyckhuyse to be a compelling and thoughtful candidate—the kind of insurgent who has put himself in a strong position to ride a blue wave into the legislature.
VanWuyckhuyse has lived in the Rochester area for his entire life, where he is now the general manager of his family’s auto shop. He points to his identity as a renter as connecting him to the everyday experiences of Monroe County residents challenged by the affordability crisis. He combines savvy policy analysis with populist arguments.
For example, on housing, he wrote in response to the questionnaire for this Voter Guide, “As a renter, I know housing costs are suffocating working families. We can't fix this without physically building more homes, cutting the red tape that blocks new construction, and investing heavily in affordable housing. But building isn't enough if Wall Street just buys it all up.” We disagree with the diagnosis of private equity buyers being a significant factor in limiting home availability, but we commend VanWuyckhuyse for putting bold supply-side action in language that can appeal to voters. Jensen, on the other hand, has no housing plan on his website and has not led on the creation of solutions to New York’s housing affordability crisis.
On energy, VanWuyckhuyse is “100% committed to hitting our 2040 zero-emission goals,” while Jensen has opposed them. The incumbent has also spoken out against the potential for solar and wind energy in his district, while the challenger is an enthusiastic supporter of those innovative clean energy projects. However, VanWuyckhuyse is skeptical of new nuclear power, which we hope he ultimately embraces.
More broadly, VanWuyckhuyse writes that his priority “is holding corporations and the ultra-wealthy accountable to pay their fair share so we have the resources to build a modern, affordable New York that works for everyone.” He is supported by the Working Families Party and Citizen Action New York. VanWuyckhuyse provided among the most thorough and forthright responses to our Voter Guide questionnaire. We hope Monroe County voters give him a close look—and a chance to deliver on his ideas in Albany.
Candidate Questionnaires
Not Competitive But Worth A Mention
New York is a Democratic state, and 2026 is an election year expected to be even bluer than usual given broad disaffection with Republican control of Congress and the presidency. As a result, many elections across the state are uncontested or uncompetitive. Still, many of the candidates on voters’ ballots in New York City and beyond are worth noting for their leadership. These include both longtime public servants and new incoming legislators in districts from Brooklyn to the Bronx, and from Westchester to Syracuse and Rochester.
STATE COMPTROLLER
New York State Comptroller Tom DiNapoli is seeking his fifth full term as the state’s comptroller in a race expected to be far less competitive than the gubernatorial election at the top of the ticket. We welcome his reelection. Though we wish he had done more over the last two decades in office to spur more effective governance, his priorities are on point. He wrote in the questionnaire for this Voter Guide about infrastructure and personnel needs: “New York's capital projects consistently cost too much, take too long, and lack transparency” and “Government can't deliver for New Yorkers if it can't hire the people it needs. Outdated civil service processes have created real barriers to building a strong, diverse, and qualified state workforce, and reforms that make hiring faster and more job-relevant are long overdue.” Additionally, DiNapoli supports the housing supply, transit investment, and clean energy deployment goals that will help lower New Yorkers’ costs and serve their long-term thriving. We look forward to his next term.
CONGRESS
Micah Lasher and Brad Lander will be freshmen in the House of Representatives, but they are far from new kids on the block.
Lasher is coming straight from the Assembly, where he was an architect of major bills from AI policy to rebutting the Trump administration. Previously he served as policy director for Governor Hochul, where he was a main driver behind her ambitious 2023 Housing Compact plan that would have lowered rents and made room for many new New Yorkers—unfortunately, the legislature blocked it. Still, he has been at the forefront of the conversation on the need for an “abundance” answer to the scarcities that hurt New Yorkers’ lives and livelihoods.
Lander is heading to Congress after serving as New York City comptroller and co-founding the progressive caucus as a Brooklyn city council member. Lander was an early proponent of equity and dynamism in Brooklyn, fighting for bike lanes along Prospect Park and the Gowanus rezoning. Though he backtracked during the primary campaign to draw a contrast with incumbent Dan Goldman, he also previously expressed strong support for the revitalization of the Brooklyn Marine Terminal—which will deliver thousands of homes, new transit infrastructure and public space, and help shift delivery of goods to cleaner “blue highways.” We are eager to see Lasher and Lander bring policy vision, deep understanding of New York’s challenges, and unequivocal commitment to New Yorkers’ most fundamental rights to Congress.
Younger congresspeople who are nonetheless veterans of DC, Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Ritchie Torres represent neighboring districts but bring very different temperaments to their work. Torres, a former progressive City Council member, has become more moderate over his tenure—often critiquing the DSA-aligned left for undermining good governance. On the other hand, AOC is a national hero of the left and a potential future candidate for Senate or the presidency. However, though they represent different ideological “lanes,” they share a rejection of failed status quo politics—and a shared fight for a government that actually works better at delivering outcomes for working people in their districts and beyond.
John Mannion won a contested congressional race in Syracuse just two years ago, but now the seat is seen as safely blue. Part of that shift is Mannion’s strength as an incumbent; a public school teacher and two-term senator, he is appreciated for his dedication to the district and for his sound policymaking. Mannion was instrumental in securing Micron’s $100 billion investment in Central New York and voted for the SPEED Act to speed permitting nationally. Mannion understands the necessity of a government that works better: as he wrote in the questionnaire for this Voter Guide, “I agree that we should revisit and update outdated rules with a focus on efficiency, quality, outcomes, and benefits to the community. We can modernize our systems and improve outcomes while continuing to support a local workforce and drive community benefit.”
STATE SENATE AND ASSEMBLY
Freshmen legislators include Eli Northrup and Vanessa Aronson, both starting their first terms in the Assembly in 2027. Both will represent parts of Upper Manhattan, Northrup on the West Side and Aronson on the East Side, with their districts covering parts of the borough that have produced very little affordable housing over the past decade. Encouragingly, they both committed in our Voter Guide questionnaire to deliver real progress on our housing affordability crisis. Aronson is a former public school teacher and Northrup is a public defender: both understand the value of service and the roles state systems play in providing or preventing individual flourishing.
Also new to Albany will be Diana Ayala, who previously represented much of her East Harlem district in the City Council, ultimately serving as Deputy Speaker. She has a real record of delivering for the district—part of why she was able to oust a disappointing incumbent for the Assembly seat. She supported the critical City of Yes for Housing Opportunity to legalize new homes, speaking from the floor about her time living in shelter and in NYCHA housing. Grace Lee will be new to the Senate from the Assembly, where she recently proposed a bill to streamline office-to-residential conversions by updating rules governing windows. That kind of in-the-weeds policymaking to address the housing crisis will be welcome in the Senate.
Former council members Keith Powers and Erik Bottcher will be starting their first full terms in the Assembly and Senate, respectively, after prevailing in the processes to fill vacancies that arose last year. They are two of New York’s most unequivocally forward-looking legislators, especially on housing policy. For example, together, they delivered the Midtown South Mixed-Use plan that will revitalize midtown, create 10,000 homes, and deliver a dedicated busway across 34th street.
New York City senators Julia Salazar, Zellnor Myrie, and Andrew Gounardes all started as outsider insurgents—and now they are among the most respected and effective legislators in Albany. Senator Salazar represents the best of the synthesis between far-left political commitments and a focus on innovative policy. She architected Good Cause Eviction to keep tenants housed and was the force behind the Preservation Trust program to unlock new funding for NYCHA. Senator Myrie has been the Senate’s foremost champion of democracy reforms to make New York’s elections more professionalized and more accessible. As a mayoral candidate, he set the standard for the field on ambitious housing plans with his 1 million home vision. Senator Gounardes has been a champion across issues, from carrying the Stop Super Speeders bill to crack down on deadly driving to leading the redevelopment of the Brooklyn Marine Terminal to deliver thousands of new homes and new public green space.
Rachel May and Jeremy Cooney are upstaters—May representing Syracuse in the Senate and Cooney representing Rochester—with strong records on the issues most important to New Yorkers’ flourishing. May has led on climate and housing policy, including cosponsoring the Faith-Based Affordable Housing Act to allow faith institutions to build affordable housing on their own land. Cooney is the chair of the state’s transportation committee, fighting for bus rapid transit, and his budget priorities have included $250 million to expedite affordable housing on state-owned land.
Senator Pete Harckham and Assembly Members Brian Cunningham and Andrew Hevesi are among the legislature’s additional pro-housing voices. Harckham sponsored legislation to legalize ADUs on single-family lots. Cunningham is the lead sponsor of the Faith-Based Affordable Housing Act. Hevesi has championed the large-scale expansion of supportive housing that meets the need of unhoused New Yorkers in need of mental health services.
State Comptroller
State Comptroller
Tom DiNapoli
Congress
NY-10
Brad Lander
NY-12
Micah Lasher
NY-14
Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez
NY-15
Ritchie Torres
NY-22
John Mannion
State Senate
SD-18
Julia Salazar
SD-20
Zellnor Myrie
SD-26
Andrew Gounardes
SD-27
Grace Lee
SD-40
Pete Harckham
SD-47
Erik Bottcher
SD-48
Rachel May
SD-56
Jeremy Cooney
State Assembly
AD-28
Andrew Hevesi
AD-43
Brian Cunningham
AD-68
Diana Ayala
AD-69
Eli Northrup
AD-73
Vanessa Aronson
AD-74
Keith Powers
AD-75
Tony Simone