NEW YORK CITY 2025 Voter Guide
New York is in crisis. Our rents are rising, our infrastructure is crumbling, and our streets and subways feel less safe.
On June 24th, New Yorkers will vote in our primary elections to choose party nominees for offices from City Council to Mayor. The officials we elect have the power to shape how safe, affordable, and livable New York is. But voter turnout is low, and high-quality information is hard to come by.
This Voter Guide highlights a set of competitive, high-stakes races. It is meant to empower readers to make informed decisions and recommends the candidates most likely to move the city forward.
Early Voting
June 14 - June 22
Election Day
Tuesday, June 24
Recommended Candidates
City Council
District 1
Jess Coleman
District 2
Sarah Batchu
District 3
Erik Bottcher
District 4
Ben Wetzler
District 7
Shaun Abreu
District 8
Elsie Encarnacion
District 14
Pierina Sanchez
District 17
Justin Sanchez
District 18
Amanda Farías
District 25
Shekar Krishnan
District 33
Lincoln Restler
District 35
Crystal Hudson
District 36
Chi Ossé
District 39
Shahana Hanif
NYC Mayor
1
Rank First
Zellnor Myrie
2
Rank Second
Brad Lander
3
Rank Third
Adrienne Adams
4
Rank Fourth
Whitney Tilson
5
Rank Fifth
Zohran Mamdani
New York’s mayor determines the direction of the city and whether the gears of government work: that trash gets picked up, that crimes are stopped or solved, that our kids are educated. After four years of chaos and corruption—and against the backdrop of turmoil in Washington—New Yorkers are looking for steady leadership. But after decades of being stuck, as rents have gone up and quality of life has gone down, we also need vision. We need transformative change for the city and its politics.
Nine candidates have staged serious campaigns for mayor, with some emphasizing steadiness while others lean into transformation—varying, too, in their governing experience and in the sophistication of their policy proposals.
Two candidates have risen to the top of the pack: Ex-Governor Andrew Cuomo, who led the state for over ten years before resigning in the wake of sexual misconduct accusations, has been steady at about 35% support. Zohran Mamdani, a 33-year-old Democratic Socialist Assemblymember, has energized younger voters in a surge to 20% first-place support.
Fighting to enter the top tier are three candidates hovering in the low double digits, leaning on their citywide governing bona fides: City Comptroller Brad Lander, former Comptroller Scott Stringer, and City Council Speaker Adrienne Adams. State Senator Zellnor Myrie and businessman Whitney Tilson have made the cut for the second “leading contenders” debate, with big ideas capturing niche attention without fully breaking through. State Senator Jessica Ramos and ex-Assemblyman Michael Blake did not earn public matching funds (which come from collecting many donations from grassroots supporters) or make the second debate cut, and are unlikely to take off without those resources.
Ranked choice voting means the election will be won by whoever can get to 50% first—after low finishers are knocked out and their ballots are reallocated to their voters’ subsequent choices—and it means voters can act with nuance. Our ballots can be expressive, supporting candidates with the best ideas regardless of how well they’re polling; while also being strategic, picking the best candidates among those most likely to win.
That dual approach dictates these recommendations.
1. While not a front-runner, Zellnor Myrie has put forth bold, ambitious, and data-driven policies on housing, the streetscape, and climate—demonstrating what true transformative change for the city would look like, and earning him the top ranking on this voter guide.
2. Brad Lander is a strong second choice, bringing serious vision and stewardship to the race. Not quite as ambitious as Myrie, Lander is better positioned to both win the mayoralty and to execute on his agenda from day one.
3. Adrienne Adams has already delivered real results for the city. While she is lighter on policy plans than others in the field, she is well-equipped to build on the successes she has led to fruition—and current polling shows she has room to grow.
4. It is highly unlikely that ballots highly ranking Lander or Adams will later be reallocated to Whitney Tilson, but he should be ranked. Including him shows that New Yorkers agree that big budgets should be matched by big results, and that addressing the housing crisis requires unlocking abundant supply.
5. If the race this year comes down to the current frontrunners, neither choice is ideal. However, a choice must be made, and Zohran Mamdani is more likely to prioritize the central crises facing New Yorkers and to be responsive to political pressure to pursue the best policy solutions.
In 2021, nearly 140,000 New Yorkers voted in the Democratic mayoral primary but did not rank either Eric Adams or Kathryn Garcia anywhere on their ballot—that means they effectively sat out the final runoff between the top two finishers. New Yorkers should not make that mistake again. Details about each recommended candidate, and analyses of those not ranked, are below.
Zellnor Myrie
A son of immigrants and product of New York City public schools, Zellnor Myrie speaks compellingly about the opportunities the city once offered working families—and the threat posed by rising unaffordability. That perspective has shaped his career in the State Senate, where he has focused on reforming systems that exclude and limit opportunity. His legislation has codified protections against voter suppression, expanded opportunities for New Yorkers with prior convictions, and challenged the gun industry in service of public safety.
As a mayoral candidate, Myrie has turned his attention to another exclusionary system: housing policies that constrain supply and drive up rents. While Myrie’s previous housing work focused on tenant protections, his campaign has emphasized expanding supply. With a target of building and preserving one million homes over the next decade, his housing plan is the most ambitious in the race. It includes rezonings, the creation of new neighborhoods, and regulatory reforms like expanding single-staircase buildings that allow more homes to be built affordably—demonstrating a clear understanding of how streamlined government processes can unleash private sector growth.
Myrie also understands where government intervention is needed to drive growth. He calls for universal after-school programs, expanding bus rapid transit, and holding polluters financially accountable. These proposals reflect a broader approach—targeted deregulation where rules obstruct progress, and strategic public investment where markets fall short.
It’s easy to imagine a Mayor Myrie working productively with the City Council to push forward bold, evidence-driven policy. Less clear is Myrie’s readiness to oversee a city workforce of 280,000 and budget of over $100B; his lack of executive experience may be one reason his campaign has struggled to take off despite an early entrance in the race.
Still, in a field full of conventional candidates, Myrie is offering something different: an ambitious, pro-growth governing vision combined with deep policy chops. He’s earned the top spot on the mayoral ballot.
Brad Lander
Brad Lander has long navigated two identities: a fighter for progressive values, always ready to jump into the arena; and a competent manager, steady and pragmatic. This mix of bold idealism and stable stewardship can be awkward to communicate on the campaign trail, but it is a combination that would make Lander an effective mayor.
Lander has used his tenure as Comptroller both to fight for progress and steady the ship. He exposed mismanagement in the Adams administration, led litigation efforts when congestion pricing was paused, and pressured Mayor Adams to sue the federal government when FEMA took funds from the city’s accounts. At the same time, he used the tools of his office to drive forward-looking investments, scaling up rooftop solar and directing pension funds toward climate-aligned infrastructure.
Lander speaks with moral clarity about a New York that welcomes those fleeing persecution, and his housing vision has evolved to match the scale of the crisis. His campaign’s plan to build 500,000 homes over the next decade reflects that shift: it emphasizes affordability and building buy-in via community engagement, drawing on his experience leading an affordable housing nonprofit and advancing the Gowanus rezoning while in the Council—but also proposes declaring a state of emergency to streamline rezonings and build on public land.
Lander acknowledges that the status quo isn’t working. However, some of his ideas—like calling for a state of emergency—are superficial acts rather than long-term solutions. More seriously, Lander plans to take on bad bureaucracy that gets in the way of achieving results in a broader agenda he calls “a better-run city”: ambitious proposals to fix contracting, improve transit service delivery, attract and retain a world-class city workforce, and more. It’s a platform grounded not just in values, but in results.
Lander’s focus on outcomes—and his track record of delivering them—earn him a strong recommendation and a high placement on the mayoral ballot.
Adrienne Adams
Adrienne Adams brings something few others in the mayoral field can: leadership experience from the other side of City Hall. As Speaker of the City Council, she has served as both a check on the mayor and a consensus-builder within a sometimes unruly chamber—earning a reputation as a steady hand and a unifier.
Her leadership was instrumental in securing passage of the City of Yes zoning reforms, which legalized a little more housing in every neighborhood to start addressing the city’s housing shortage. Despite initial resistance from members across the chamber, Adams prioritized the package and negotiated to secure the votes needed to pass it. That pragmatism is a hallmark of her approach—though some argue it came at the cost of ambition, pointing to carveouts and compromises that weakened the final product. (Similarly, public transit and public space champions lament that she hasn’t been more visionary on remaking the streetscape.)
Her housing platform rightly identifies the need for 500,000 new homes—nearly an order of magnitude more than what the zoning text amendment will deliver. But, perhaps owing to her late entry into the race, her plan is light on implementation details. Across the board, Adams emphasizes personnel over policy specifics; drawing on her experience coaching executives, she focuses on assembling the right team to shape policy, rather than outlining a bold vision herself.
But that emphasis may be well-placed. In a role as complex as the mayoralty, the ability to inspire, persuade, and collaborate with colleagues matters as much as any policy blueprint. Adams has consistently demonstrated those skills—she can lead, build consensus, and get things done. In polling, she appears to have a higher ceiling of support than Lander. Her record, and her policy and electoral upside potential, earn her a place on the ballot.
Whitney Tilson
An outsider to the political scene, investor Whitney Tilson prides himself on a no-BS approach; as he said in his launch announcement, he “doesn’t need the job and isn’t beholden to anyone,” so he is “willing to speak hard truths.”
Some of these truths should be acknowledged. He highlights New York City’s record-low apartment vacancy rates and champions zoning reform to unlock housing at scale. Perhaps the only candidate who commutes by bike, he brings personal experience, a data-driven perspective, and an understanding of other global cities’ successes to street safety. He also rightfully emphasizes outcomes over process; for example, he notes that New York City spends twice the national average on schools to achieve only middling results.
Tilson’s policy prescriptions are, by-and-large, detailed and pragmatic—but his approach to politics is knee-jerk ideological. He fearmongers about Zohran Mamdani and “socialists at the gate.” Tilson’s eagerness to punch left misses the fact that progress at the city level requires cooperation across left and center-left divides. (Indeed, the most ambitious housing plan New York City has passed recently, the City of Yes for Housing Opportunity, got over the finish line thanks to members of the Progressive Caucus in the City Council.) In taking this reductive approach, Tilson alienates many of the legislators and rank-and-file New Yorkers he’d need on board to execute his ambitious agenda.
Tilson has among the lowest polling numbers, but his ideas—particularly on housing and government delivery—deserve further consideration.
Zohran Mamdani
Completing a ballot strategically requires including one of the candidates likely to make it to the final round of Ranked Choice Voting (RCV) tabulations. In this case, that likely means choosing between Cuomo and Mamdani. Not ranking them is equivalent to sitting out a runoff election between the top two finishers—sensible only if one truly has no preference between them. This guide gives Mamdani the fifth spot not as a ringing endorsement, but as the better of two imperfect options.
Mamdani’s joyful, energetic campaign has enthralled a generation of New Yorkers and catapulted him to the top tier of candidates. His slogans—“freeze the rent,” “fast, free buses”—are clear, simple, and appealing to a city hit hard by rising costs. Mamdani is charismatically leading a movement, a talent that could translate to leadership of the city at large.
But while Mamdani is right to point to affordability as the critical crisis facing New Yorkers—and the role that the government can play in solving it—his policy prescriptions often miss the mark. Most seriously, his housing plan cannot solve our affordability problems. A rent freeze for rent stabilized tenants may be a short-term balm, but it is not sustainable—and it does nothing for tenants in the rest of the city’s apartments. His proposal to invest $70 billion in 200,000 new rent-stabilized units is financially untenable. It will not happen, and it is also ideologically rigid—minimizing market-rate development that New York can pursue, and which would much more broadly address supply shortages and increase affordability for everyone.
More broadly, while Mamdani frequently pairs service delivery and subsidy in his policy proposals, his emphasis falls squarely on the latter. He decries red tape hampering small business owners, then proposes fee discounts and a liaison to help them navigate the red tape—instead of removing the red tape altogether. He talks about “fast, free buses,” but is far more interested in using political capital to make them free rather than to increase speeds and service quality. Mamdani is properly diagnosing the problems—but he’s deprioritizing the best solutions.
Still, Mamdani is open to ideas that challenge his worldview and is conversant in policy details, indicating an adaptability he will need to be successful. For example, on housing, he comfortably transitions from his more accessible “freeze the rent” platform to wonky discussions around reforming single-stair building codes that allow more homes to be built more affordably—however, he does not commit to going beyond what is currently allowed in order to actually increase housing supply.
In this moment, New York needs big ideas—but those big ideas should offer the right answers to our problems, and they should be ideas that can become reality. Mamdani’s ideas are far from realistic. But, while his primary rival is calcified in his worldview and offering more of the same kind of politics that led to our current crises, Mamdani has the potential to grow. Ultimately, it is clear that Mamdani appreciates the scale of New York’s challenges and wants to use the power of the office to benefit all New Yorkers—not just himself.
Who We Didn't Rank
Andrew Cuomo
Former governor Andrew Cuomo has been leading in the polls since his formal entry into the race, and he is considered by many to be a near-lock to win the Democratic nomination. Talking to voters who are planning to vote for him, the reasons are straightforward: his decade as governor is remembered with fondness, as Cuomo spent most of those years appearing solidly in control of what had previously been an ungovernable state capital. Cuomo delivered budgets on time, signed into law many groundbreaking bills, and oversaw pre-pandemic years when New York felt more affordable, safer, and more vibrant.
However, a closer review of his record and disposition suggest that he is not well-positioned to deliver on the promises of that fond recollection—and that New Yorkers hoping for a rejuvenation of the city’s fortunes should look elsewhere in completing their ranked choice ballot. He did not address the housing shortage as governor and does not appear committed to solving it now; his proposals set a headline goal of 500,000 units but without serious engagement with how to get there. On transit, Cuomo oversaw the Summer of Hell, deflected blame to Mayor Bill de Blasio, then ran Andy Byford out of town. Cuomo signed congestion pricing into law but distanced himself when the program appeared unpopular before its launch.
Cuomo helped prop up Republican control of the State Senate even though Democrats held a majority of seats; landmark bills on reproductive freedom, climate emissions, and voting rights only passed after that split control ended. Helping Republicans keep control undermined the will of the people, an undemocratic outcome consistent with other Cuomo actions—from weakening an ethics commission to the pattern of harassment requiring his resignation. Now, he is avoiding the press, threatening his critics and accusers with legal action, and missing out on matching funds due to illegal coordination with his Super PAC.
The ex-governor has a reputation for effectiveness. In some cases, such as same-sex marriage and large-scale infrastructure projects, it is earned. In others, like Covid management, it seems more superficial than real. Ultimately, it is misguided to entrust the future of New York City to the ex-governor in the belief that “he is a bully, but he will be a bully for us.” It is far more likely he will be a bully on behalf of his primary career-long constituent—himself.
Scott Stringer
Stringer is a competent manager who understands the challenges the city is facing; however, his policy vision is too backward-looking to meet this moment. For example, his housing plan promises 20,000 units when 25 times as many are needed. If looking for a good manager with legislative and citywide elected experience, voters should choose Brad Lander instead.
Michael Blake
Ex-assemblymember Michael Blake is a perennial candidate—for mayor, for congress, for public advocate, for DNC chair, and, successfully, for the state legislature. He is an energetic public servant and compelling public speaker, but he is not offering a robust policy approach to this race. He has no specific plan around housing—New York’s greatest challenge—and has been one of the only primary candidates to want to weaken congestion pricing. Given his low polling and partial vision for an administration, he does not merit ranking in this election.
Jessica Ramos
Ramos has been an effective state legislator since her 2018 victory as one of the challengers to Democratic state senators who caucused with Republicans (with the support of ex-governor Andrew Cuomo). She has been particularly impactful on behalf of labor. However, she has not gained traction in the mayor’s race, with her slow start preventing her from earning her a spot on the Working Families Party's initial slate. While other low-polling candidates are worth ranking, Ramos has not offered a policy vision fully suited to the challenges of affordability, quality of life, and safety that New York is facing.
Comptroller
Rank First
Mark
Levine
Most people don’t know what the comptroller does, and those who do disagree about how to pronounce it. Those in the know agree that it’s the second-most important elected office in the city, after the mayor. The comptroller is essentially the chief financial officer of the city, overseeing pension fund investments totaling about $280 billion. Additionally, the comptroller audits agencies—be it the New York City Housing Authority, the New York Police Department, or any other—to ensure efficiency and accountability from the mayoral administration. The comptroller must also approve city contracts, another important check on irresponsible mayoral decision-making.
Current comptroller Brad Lander is running for mayor, leaving the office up for grabs. It’s a two-way race between Manhattan Borough President Mark Levine and Brooklyn City Council Member Justin Brannan.
Mark Levine, also a former council member, has been exemplary as BP. He has been particularly focused on housing affordability, championing the City of Yes for Housing Opportunity plan to legalize a little more housing in every neighborhood and proactively identifying locations for new homes across the borough. This focus on housing is motivating his comptroller run; his “Affordability Fund” plan will leverage $2.5 billion in support of 75,000 affordable homes. Levine is a former public school teacher who started a credit union for underbanked New Yorkers. He has expansive support, including many members of New York congressional delegation, his three fellow Democratic borough presidents, the Stonewall and Jim Owles Democrats (progressive LGBTQ+ Democratic Clubs), and most labor unions.
Justin Brannan is mounting a compelling challenge, but with a more uncertain approach to the office. His endorsement by the Working Families Party drew confusion due to lack a of history supporting more progressive policies than Levine. As finance chair in the council, he has been effective in negotiations; however, he is not a champion of the issues most urgent in New York.
Brannan secured carve-outs for his district in the City of Yes for Housing Opportunity—meaning it would not have to contribute new housing to a plan designed to add a little bit more in every neighborhood—and opposed three needed shelters for homeless New Yorkers, later claiming he never did. He has also criticized congestion pricing, a critical climate and transit policy. A Super PAC supporting him is tied to casino developers, and Brannan has recently changed his tune on openness to approving a casino in Coney Island.
Levine is the clear choice for Comptroller, and will be an asset in citywide office.
Manhattan Borough President
Rank First
Keith
Powers
Borough presidents aren’t as important as they sound—but they’re more important than most people realize. BPs command no armies and sign no laws, but they are hugely influential in the governance of New York City. They have two main roles and a third key lever of impact: First, they participate in “land use” decisions that determine whether and where New York City allows the creation of new homes, hugely important in the context of our historic housing shortage. Second, they appoint the 2,950 members of the city’s 59 Community Boards, which are meant to reflect the interests of “the community” when the city is making decisions about everything from outdoor dining to bike lanes to homeless shelters. Third, they have a bully pulpit, the power to direct attention to the issues most pressing to the lives of the borough’s residents.
Current Manhattan Borough President Mark Levine has been exemplary across these areas, fighting for more housing while appointing a more diverse set of Community Board members.
There are two serious candidates for Manhattan borough president. Upper East Side City council member Keith Powers offers a continuation of Levine’s approach, while west side state senator Brad Hoylman-Sigal represents a swing back to less assertive leadership.
Powers has been a leading pro-housing voice, fought for needed shelters and resiliency infrastructure against loud local opposition, supported streetscape improvements in his district, and led the council in reforming scaffolding laws to bring down unsightly sidewalk sheds sooner (and make them look better in the meantime). He would use the office to continue the push to increase Manhattan’s housing options and people-first streets—crucial for driving affordability, quality of life, and resiliency. He would also ensure continued improvement of Community Boards’ representativeness of all residents.
Hoylman-Sigal first ran for BP in 2021, placing second to Levine, and is trying again. Though he has raised less than Powers, he has significant institutional support; many analysts believe that he will do well on Manhattan’s west side, perceived to be the source of stronger vote numbers. Hoylman-Sigal has been an effective state senator, especially on issues related to civil rights, and he has been vocal on pushback to Donald Trump and Elon Musk.
On the issues that the BP actually impacts, though, he has a more mixed record. He has long opposed 100% affordable housing for seniors on the east side (Powers supports it); uplifted NIMBY (“Not In My Back Yard”) opposition to a safe haven shelter of the kind most successful at getting New Yorkers living on the streets into housing; and compared the legalization of more homes in wealthy Soho to the appointment of Amy Coney Barrett to the Supreme Court. Generally, Hoylman-Sigal has been less than forthright about the need for more housing amidst our supply crisis. He also opposes the term limits for Community Board members that are crucial for ushering in younger and more diverse appointees.
On the streetscape, Hoylman-Sigal is centering a crackdown on e-bikes in his campaign—problematic as the NYPD brings criminal penalties to bear on cyclists and largely immigrant deliveristas, and as cars are far deadlier. Powers’s campaign brings a wider lens to public transit and public safety. He is the better choice for the office.
Brooklyn Borough President
Rank First
Antonio
Reynoso
Borough presidents aren’t as important as they sound—but they’re more important than most people realize. BPs command no armies and sign no laws, but they are hugely influential in the governance of New York City. They have two main roles and a third key lever of impact: First, they participate in “land use” decisions that determine whether and where New York City allows the creation of new homes, hugely important in the context of our historic housing shortage. Second, they appoint the 2,950 members of the city’s 59 Community Boards, which are meant to reflect the interests of “the community” when the city is making decisions about everything from outdoor dining to bike lanes to homeless shelters. Third, they have a bully pulpit, the power to direct attention to the issues most pressing to the lives of the borough’s residents.
Brooklyn Borough President Antonio Reynoso has used the office effectively across these fronts. On land use, he has been a proponent of comprehensive planning, committed to the commonsense but politically courageous idea that all neighborhoods must do their fair share to tackle the supply shortage confronting the city. He supported the City of Yes for Housing Opportunity rezoning to legalize more housing in every neighborhood, noting that it is an important first step but insufficient to address the affordability crisis. (There are limits to Reynoso’s pro-housing commitments: he opposed a building near the Brooklyn Botanical Garden that would have cast some shadows over some areas.) Reynoso has made positive Community Board appointments, and he has worked to ensure street improvements like bus and bike lanes face fewer process hurdles on their way to implementation. He has also been a vocal supporter of congestion pricing—a critical climate and transit policy—while also using bully pulpit and financial resources to address maternal mortality particularly impacting Black women.
Reynoso is facing a challenger this June. Khari Edwards is the Head of Corporate relations at a cannabis company who previously worked in external engagement at Brookdale University Hospital. He ran for Brooklyn BP in 2021 as well, finishing fifth in the primary that Reynoso won. This time around, he has raised significant funds and is mounting a real challenge. However, he is not offering a better vision. On the most important issue facing Brooklyn, housing affordability, Edwards denied that there is a housing supply shortage and opposed City of Yes for Housing. (On the other hand, he does support Haven Green, 100% affordable housing for seniors—in Manhattan.) It is almost always a good thing to offer primary voters a choice; in this case, though, Reynoso deserves enthusiastic support in his reelection.
City Council District 1
Battery Park, Financial District, Tribeca, Chinatown, Lower East Side, Soho
Rank First
Jess
Coleman
Also Rank
Elizabeth Lewinsohn
Don't Rank
Chris Marte
In the heart of Lower Manhattan, incumbent council member Christopher Marte’s detachment from the needs of most residents has drawn him three primary challengers. One of them, Jess Coleman, champions the policies that would make the district and city more affordable, sustainable, and safe.
Three quarters of District 1 residents are renters. However, Marte voted against the City of Yes for Housing Opportunity to create 80,000 more homes citywide—the only no vote in Manhattan. He has opposed 100% affordable housing for low-income seniors and multiple safe havens—the kind of shelter most effective at getting New Yorkers who are living on the street into housing. In a dense, walkable neighborhood, Marte has criticized congestion pricing, sought the reopening of Park Row to cars, and led the full City Council to shut down a beloved street cafe. Marte's opposition to change often seems better suited for the suburbs than to dense downtown Manhattan. He is aligned with the preferences of a small group of homeowners and drivers—but not the district at large.
Challenging him are Jess Coleman, a lawyer and community activist born and raised in the district; Elizabeth Lewinsohn, a former NYPD official and chair of Gotham Park; and Eric Yu, a Chinatown native who works for the MTA. All three serve on Community Board 1, the local body made up of volunteer appointees tasked with representing the neighborhood in city decision-making. Coleman and Lewinsohn have raised significant funds. However, Lewinsohn has not qualified for the public matching funds that come from getting support from many grassroots donors across the district. Lewinsohn has critiqued Marte's failure to engage with Gotham Park, his pro-car stances, and his opposition to Haven Green, and she would certainly be an improvement.
Coleman, however, is best. He embraces increased supply to address the affordability crisis, paired with strong tenant protections and housing-first approaches to homelessness; he has been extremely vocal in support for congestion pricing, pedestrianization, and outdoor dining. Coleman has garnered significant institutional support from multiple Democratic clubs, including the Stonewall Democrats (the city’s premier LGBTQ+ Democratic Club) and NYU College Dems. As the choice for younger, forward-thinking voters, he should be the number one choice for voters in the district.
City Council District 2
East Village, Lower East Side, Gramercy, Kips Bay, Murray Hill
Rank First
Sarah
Batchu
Don't Rank
Allie Ryan
On the east side of lower Manhattan, there is an open five-way race to succeed term-limited council member Carlina Rivera. Grabbing the most attention are two longtime politicians: Assemblymember Harvey Epstein, who recently won reelection but is now seeking a job switch; and former council member and congressional representative Anthony Weiner, attempting a political comeback after his sex scandal. Weiner, though, has raised comparatively little money and received no institutional support—and he has not demonstrated much in the way of policy vision beyond arguing that he has nothing left to lose.
The candidates who are actually making the race competitive for Assemblymember Epstein are two younger women of color who have been left out of much of the conversation in spite of more legitimate claims to competitiveness. Andrea Gordillo is the chair and Sarah Batchu is the former vice chair of Community Board 3, the local body made up of volunteer appointees tasked with representing the neighborhood in city decision-making. Both nonprofit leaders, and Batchu previously worked at City Hall. They both raised the maximum amount of funds available through the public financing program, and have more cash on hand than Epstein entering the home stretch. (A fifth entrant, Allie Ryan, challenged Rivera before on a reactionary platform, and has not raised much money or otherwise gained traction.)
Of the candidates to be taken seriously, Batchu is best—the candidate whose experience and ideas are most equal to the challenges of Lower Manhattan. As a leader on CB3, she was a champion for the City of Yes for Housing Opportunity rezoning to legalize a little more housing in every neighborhood. She defended congestion pricing, a vital plan to fund public transit, speed buses, and make streets safer. And she prioritized the needs of local small business owners.
Epstein, as the establishment candidate, has the backing of many clubs and elected officials—however, his business as usual politics lack the vision needed today. He has denied the importance of addressing the housing shortage, and he sought carveouts from congestion pricing, positions favoring homeowners and carowners over renters and riders. Epstein has supported rental protections, but they are not enough to reduce prices for tenants who make up the majority of the district.
In a district where politicians with old ideas and outworn welcomes are sucking up the oxygen, voters should take the opportunity to uplift a new generation of elected officials bringing new energy and new ideas to City Hall.
City Council District 3
West Village, Chelsea, Hell’s Kitchen
Rank First
Erik
Bottcher
Council Member Erik Bottcher is seeking reelection in an uncontested race on the west side of Manhattan. In a district that includes the birthplace of the LGBTQ+ movement at Julius’ and the Stonewall Inn, as well as the current queer neighborhoods of Chelsea and Hell’s Kitchen, Bottcher is a proud gay representative who sought opportunity and authenticity in New York. He is now proactive in seeking to ensure New York City can actually be the haven for the marginalized that most believe it should be.
While not competitive, Bottcher’s reelection campaign is notable for the assertiveness with which he has challenged conventional politics in lower Manhattan, especially in the Greenwich Village and West Village parts of the district. In these areas, little to no new housing has been built for many years, and historic townhouses that once housed multiple families have been combined into single-family homes for the wealthy. But when it comes to contributing new homes to add to the city’s supply, many powerful local residents come out in strong opposition.
In this context, Bottcher has been a leader, offering pro-housing arguments—attempting to create a pro-housing caucus alongside Brooklyn Borough President Antonio Reynoso—and supporting the City of Yes for Housing plan to create 80,000 more homes across the city. He has connected the dots between dense, walkable neighborhoods and climate mitigation. Further, the district includes NYCHA housing at Fulton and Chelsea-Elliott, where a controversial but critical plan to build brand new homes for longtime public housing residents while replacing the old buildings with new homes for other New Yorkers is facing pushback. A strong showing for a pro-housing council member will be important to show community support for forward-looking policies.
Beyond housing, Bottcher has been focused on issues related to mental health and sanitation. In some cases, he is more responsive to the voices in the district opposed to new uses of the streetscape, including co-sponsoring a misguided bill to require licensure and registration for e-bikers and voting against permanent outdoor dining. Still, overall, Bottcher is a valued voice in the district and council.
City Council District 4
Midtown, Stuyvesant Town/Peter Cooper Village, Turtle Bay, Murray Hill, Upper East Side
Rank First
Ben
Wetzler
Also Rank
Virginia Maloney
Don't Rank
Faith Bondy
A crowded field is seeking to replace term-limited council member Keith Powers, and they offer more contrasts than may be readily apparent. The district includes wealthy Upper East Side homeowners and middle-class renters in Stuyvesant Town; it is important that the council member reflects the interests of all constituents—not just the most vocal or empowered.
Two candidates, Ben Wetzler and Rachel Storch, are public servants with records in elected office—though only Wetzler has represented New Yorkers. Virginia Maloney brings a recognizable name and public and private sector experience to the race. Vanessa Aronson and Faith Bondy have served as Democratic Club presidents, and Luke Florczak is on the board of a third. (Florczak has not raised significant funds or earned institutional support.)
In the most moderate lane, Storch is a former Missouri state legislator who is now COO at Fifth Avenue Synagogue. She is running a self-financed campaign, having opted out of the public matching program, which provides campaign funds to candidates who raise small dollar donations from grassroots contributors. While she is engaged in the community, Storch’s decision not to participate in the public matching program puts her competitors at a severe disadvantage and undermines the small-d democracy that is already weak in New York.
Bondy, a lawyer, offers the least innovation. She is unenthusiastic about new housing necessary to make the city more affordable or about congestion pricing—essential for funding transit, reducing gridlock, and making streets safer and more sustainable. In the left lane, former teacher and diplomat Vanessa Aronson has garnered the support of the Working Families Party. Her platform is modest, though, about the zoning and streetscape changes needed to create more affordable and equitable neighborhoods.
Best equipped to lead the district is Wetzler, who, as a former District Leader, is the only candidate to have represented New Yorkers in office. Wetzler works as a housing policy director for the state and has a well-developed plan for homes of all types and smart rental support to reduce rents and keep neighbors housed, as well as an impressively comprehensive public safety platform. While the field is mostly made up of Upper East Siders, Wetzler comes from Stuyvesant Town and incorporates the interests of younger New Yorkers—earning him the support, too, of the NYU Democrats.
Virginia Maloney has not yet served in office, though she points to her mother Carolyn Maloney—longtime congresswoman and council member—as an inspiration. Her experience in the Bloomberg administration and tech industry, as well as her strong political connections, have made her a frontrunner in the race, leading in endorsements and fundraising. On policy, she is forthright about the policy changes New York needs to break out of stasis. She deserves a second-slot ranking.
City Council District 7
Upper West Side, Morningside Heights, Manhattanville, Hamilton Heights, Washington Heights
Rank First
Shaun
Abreu
District 7 crawls up from the Upper West Side to Washington Heights, encompassing a diverse set of New Yorkers. Incumbent council member Shaun Abreu is seeking reelection, facing a spirited challenge from community activist Edafe Okporo.
Abreu has been a courageous voice in the district on behalf of marginalized neighbors. A former tenants rights attorney born in Washington Heights, Abreu championed supportive housing in the district for the most vulnerable New Yorkers in spite of loud local opposition. He has led the city’s effort towards trash containerization—already common in other cities and critical for reducing rats’ presence on city streets, but politically challenging in a city where many fear the reimagining of space now used for free parking. Abreu has earned the backing of the Working Families Party, Stonewall Democrats (the city’s premier LGBTQ+ Democratic Club), and other organizations that understand the connection between a dynamic urban future and uplifting the needs of marginalized New Yorkers.
Okporo, his challenger, is a queer immigrant from Nigeria who was homeless when he arrived in New York. His personal story is compelling, and he is emphasizing accountability for Columbia University, which is in the district. However, his policy ideas are not improvements on the incumbent’s. For example, Okporo echoes anti-housing voices across the political spectrum in opposing new homes. The district will be better served by Abreu.
City Council District 8
East Harlem, Mott Haven, Port Morris, Concourse, Highbridge
Rank First
Elsie
Encarnacion
The eighth district spans upper Manhattan and parts of the Bronx, and has been a historic source of council leadership. Former speaker Melissa Mark-Viverito represented the district, and her staffer Diana Ayala succeeded her in the seat, rising to the role of deputy speaker. Now, with Ayala termed out, there is a competitive four-way race to succeed her, including a staffer of her own.
That candidate is Elsie Encarnacion, chief of staff to Ayala and the best choice for the district. Encarnacion, an East Harlem native, has served in multiple public service roles and has the backing of labor unions, the Working Families Party, local and citywide Democratic Clubs, issue groups including pro-housing Open New York, and elected officials—including nine other councilwomen of color who would serve alongside her in the chamber next year. While that candidate profile often reflects establishment views, Encarnacion appreciates the housing, transit, resiliency, and government effectiveness challenges facing the city and will be a strong asset in a forward-looking body.
Three other candidates are mounting serious bids for the seat. Wilfredo Lopez, a director at the Urban Resource Institute, was a staffer for former Upper East Side council member Ben Kallos after working as a prosecutor. Clarisa Alayeto is the chair of Bronx Community Board 1, the local body made up of volunteer appointees tasked with representing the neighborhood in city decision-making. Raymond Santana is a recent arrival to the district hoping to follow in the footsteps of fellow member of the “Exonerated Five” Yusef Salaam in election to the City Council. Santana is not seriously engaged with local politics and has not qualified for the public matching funds (which come from receiving many donations from grassroots supporters) or received other support.
Alayeto and Lopez have both qualified for matching funds and are running serious races, though Alayeto was nearly kicked off the ballot after her nominating petitions were challenged by the Super PAC backing Lopez. That Super PAC, Ending Homelessness & Building a Better NYC, is solely funded by Wall Street financier Michael Jenkins to the tune of $1.6 million, and its political goals are unclear. Lopez deserves praise for a transportation plan that focuses on traffic calming, improved infrastructure, and expanded bus service; Alayeto has not appeared to release policy plans. Ultimately, however, Encarnacion is the best choice.
City Council District 14
Morris Heights, University Heights, Fordham Manor, Kingsbridge
Rank First
Pierina
Sanchez
Don't Rank
Fernando Cabrera
New York City has a turnover problem when it comes to our elected officials. In the state legislature, the same politicians occupy offices for decades. The City Council has term limits preventing election to terms totaling more than 8–10 years (varying due to the redistricting calendar). But too frequently, politicians try to reclaim their old seats rather than making way for a new generation of leaders.
That’s the case this year in District 14 in the West Bronx, where an excellent current council member, Pierina Sanchez, is being challenged by her predecessor, Fernando Cabrera. This case is particularly galling because Cabrera is too conservative to be running as a Democrat in New York City: he is anti-gay and anti-choice, and has failed in previous bids against Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez for Congress and Vanessa Gibson for Bronx Borough President. Still, his name recognition is high and many voters have fond recollections of his previous tenure as their council member, making this a highly competitive race. (A third candidate, Bryan Hodge has significantly less money and has not garnered institutional support demonstrating viability.)
Beyond the unsuitability of Cabrera for the Council, Sanchez is deserving of reelection in her own right. A lifelong Bronxite, Sanchez is the chair of the housing committee in the council. She was a key leader in securing passage of the City of Yes for Housing Opportunity plan to legalize a little more housing in every neighborhood. She also ensured the plan paired new homes with investments in housing preservation and tenant support as part of “City for All.” On other issues related to the vibrancy and sustainability of city neighborhoods, Sanchez has been a driving force, though her district needs more bus and bike improvements to keep up with other parts of the city. She is far more forward-looking and effective than Cabrera, in addition to being more representative of the basic values of New Yorkers.
City Council District 17
Melrose, Morrisania, Longwood, Crotona, Hunts Point
Rank First
Justin
Sanchez
Four candidates are running to succeed Rafael Salamanca in District 17 in the South Bronx.
Antirson Ortiz, director of constituent services for Comptroller Brad Lander, has staked out the left lane in the race, receiving the top ranking endorsement from the Working Families Party, which also recommended ranking Sanchez and Santana, and from the progressive Jim Owles Democratic Club. However, he has raised the least of the four, giving him a difficult path to challenge better-funded and more broadly supported competitors.
Salamanca is supporting small business owner Freddy Perez. Perez is a district leader, a hyper-local elected office that serves as the Democratic “boss” of part of an Assembly district. He is also a member of his neighborhood Community Board, the local body made up of volunteer appointees tasked with representing the neighborhood in city decision-making. Perez is the sole Gen X candidate in the race at age 59. He is the one candidate who did not receive the blessing of the WFP. His policy plans are thin on detail, and it does not appear that he would usher in the significant change that the borough and council need.
Community activist Elvis Santana is backed by former assemblymember Michael Blake, currently running for mayor, and a local Bronx Democratic Club that he helped found. Additionally engaged in the community as a former State Committeeman, Santana was the fourth-place finisher in a 2020 Assembly primary and in the 2017 general election for this council district when he ran on his own ballot line.
Justin Sanchez, chief of staff for State Senator Nathalia Fernandez, is at the front of the pack in fundraising and endorsements; he is also the best positioned to deliver the innovative leadership needed in the council. Sanchez has built a broad base of support including moderate Congressman Ritchie Torres and State Senator Jabari Brisport of the far-left Democratic Socialists of America, and many others in between, demonstrating impressive coalition-building skill. A former president of the Stonewall Democrats (the city’s premier LGBTQ+ Democratic Club), Sanchez connects his queer identity to the necessity of New York City to be a true haven to the marginalized. Amongst a broad platform, his focus on clean streets reflects an appreciation for the role city government can play in addressing basic quality of life issues if properly focused.
City Council District 18
Parkchester, Castle Hill, Soundview, Clason Point
Rank First
Amanda
Farías
In the East Bronx, City Council Majority Leader Amanda Farías is running for reelection in an uncontested race. Still, the race is notable because Farías is one of the three current council members, along with Manhattanite Julie Menin and Brooklynite Crystal Hudson, most frequently mentioned as a potential next council speaker. The speaker controls the legislative agenda and committee assignments in the 51-member body, and Farías is a strong council member deserving of awareness and support.
Farías, a Soundview native, is a part of a younger generation of council members who are more forward-thinking on addressing the housing affordability crisis that is New York’s most pressing challenge. As a council member, she led the important Metro-North neighborhood rezoning to passage. The plan creates 7,000 new homes and four new train stations. Increasing housing and transit opportunities in the Bronx is vital, and Farías has been an ally on many of those efforts. On the other hand, she is a co-sponsor of an overly onerous bill to require licensure and registration for e-bikes; still, she has promoted protected bike infrastructure in the district and merits support from New Yorkers interested in housing, transit, and climate action.
City Council District 25
Jackson Heights, Elmhurst
Rank First
Shekar
Krishnan
District 25, encompassing parts of Jackson Heights and Elmhurst, is one of the most densely populated and transit-rich areas of Queens. Its streets are home to a thriving mix of small businesses, street vendors, and families navigating limited public space, and it faces ongoing pressure to accommodate a growing population while preserving affordability and livability.
Council Member Shekar Krishnan has taken on tough fights to advance a more equitable and people-centered use of public space. He was a strong proponent of the 34th Avenue Open Street—one of the city's most ambitious open street projects, which has led to a 70% reduction in traffic crashes and provided much-needed green space in Jackson Heights. And he has advocated for easing restrictions on street vendors, many of whom are immigrant entrepreneurs serving the local community. On housing, Krishnan has emerged as a constructive voice within the Council’s Progressive Caucus, driving support for increasing the city’s housing supply through the City of Yes for Housing Opportunity plan to allow for a little more housing in every neighborhood.
Krishnan faces a Democratic primary challenge from Ricardo Pacheco, a retired NYPD officer whose platform emphasizes advocating for increased police presence and opposing cashless bail and the decriminalization of sex work. While Pacheco taps into real concerns about safety and quality of life, his solutions have already been tried without lasting success. In contrast, Krishnan’s vision—centered on welcoming public spaces, expanded housing options, mental health support, and data-informed safety strategies—offers a more holistic and forward-thinking approach to improving daily life in the district.
City Council District 33
Greenpoint, Williamsburg, Boerum Hill, Brooklyn Heights
Rank First
Lincoln
Restler
District 33 stretches along Brooklyn’s northern waterfront, from Greenpoint and Williamsburg to Brooklyn Heights and Boerum Hill. It’s a district on the frontlines of the climate crisis, a flashpoint for debates over street safety and livable public space, and a test case for whether a neighborhood shaped by past development fights can still rise to meet today’s housing needs. The district needs a council member who can match the scale of these challenges with bold policy and effective governance.
Council Member Lincoln Restler has proven himself up to the task. Since taking office, he has championed ambitious housing, climate, and transit policies rooted in both progressive values and tangible outcomes. He was an early and vocal supporter of the City of Yes for Housing Opportunity plan to allow a little more housing in every neighborhood, and has pushed for affordable and supportive housing at sites like 90 Sands and Gowanus Green. On climate, Restler authored legislation to close loopholes in the City’s building emissions law (LL97), and has advanced bills to accelerate bike lane installation and empower residents to report blocked bus and bike lanes—cutting through red tape to make New York’s streets safer and more efficient.
At first glance, the race between Lincoln Restler and challenger Sabrina Gates looks like a standard progressive-vs-establishment matchup. Gates, who won just 5.5% of the first round of ranked choice voting in 2021, has the backing of the county Democratic machine—an institution Restler has long criticized and sought to reform through the New Kings Democrats, a political club he cofounded. But the real divide here is between action and inertia. Gates has expressed skepticism of protected bike lanes that significantly improve safety for everyone, seeking to undo hard-won progress. Restler, by contrast, has advanced meaningful reforms to make our streets safer and housing more affordable. He’s the right choice to keep District 33 moving forward.
City Council District 35
Fort Greene, Clinton Hill, Prospect Heights, Crown Heights
Rank First
Crystal
Hudson
Council District 35 covers an L-shaped swath of central Brooklyn, stretching from Fort Greene and Clinton Hill through much of Prospect Heights and Crown Heights. The district has experienced rapid demographic change in recent years: between 2010 and 2020, its overall population grew by more than 17%—twice the citywide rate—while the Black population declined by 20%, more than four times the citywide decline. Though the area has added a substantial amount of housing, it hasn’t kept pace with demand, fueling both scarcity and fears of displacement.
Council Member Crystal Hudson has navigated this complex terrain with integrity and thoughtfulness. While few consider her reelection in doubt, the race is important given Hudson’s place as a frontrunner in the backroom race to become the next speaker of the City Council. If a Hudson speakership included continued support for more housing, safer streets, and a more representative democracy, the city could do far worse.
As Chair of the Council’s Committee on Aging, Hudson has championed an accessible vision of a city—where New Yorkers can grow a family, retire, and age in place. Realizing that vision requires a meaningful expansion of the city’s housing supply—something Hudson has worked toward by supporting major initiatives like the City of Yes for Housing Opportunity to legalize 80,000 new homes across the city, and the Atlantic Avenue Mixed-Use Plan, which is expected to bring 4,600 new homes to the district. She has also backed street safety improvements, including daylighting, that make it easier and safer for residents of all ages to navigate their neighborhoods.
Hudson’s approach to land use often emphasizes community consultation, which can slow or constrain critical projects. That being said, she has shown a rare ability to listen deeply and still lead decisively, earning trust from constituents even when opinions differ. Her challenger, Dion Ashman, has put forward a message of community restoration and youth development, but has not outlined a positive agenda on housing, climate, or infrastructure; his plans would reduce new home construction and dial back open streets. Hudson’s record of legislative action, community engagement, and coalition-building makes her the stronger choice to meet this moment.
City Council District 36
Bedford-Stuyvesant, Crown Heights
Rank First
Chi
Ossé
Council District 36 includes Bedford-Stuyvesant and northern Crown Heights—neighborhoods facing rising housing costs, unreliable transit, and public safety concerns. Council Member Chi Ossé has elevated these challenges, and advanced practical solutions, through both legislation and savvy digital communications. He’s introducing a new generation of New Yorkers to local policy—and a new set of ideas to the City Council.
As a council member, Ossé has prioritized housing reform. His legislative efforts have focused on tenant protections, most notably through the Fairness in Apartment Rental Expenses (FARE) Act, which bans landlords from passing broker fees onto tenants. At the same time, his public messaging has focused on increasing the housing supply. In his “Why Sh*t Not Working” series, he’s reframed the conversation around development, showing that more housing is key to affordability, not a threat to it. Beyond housing, Ossé has been a vocal supporter of major transit initiatives such as the Interborough Express, and of trash containerization.
Ossé faces little serious opposition in the primary, but his reelection would still represent a vote for continued energy and engagement on key city issues.
City Council District 39
Carroll Gardens, Gowanus, Park Slope, Windsor Terrace, Kensington, Borough Park
Rank First
Shahana
Hanif
District 39 covers a diverse swath of central Brooklyn neighborhoods: the affluent, transit-friendly, low-rise Park Slope; a Gowanus in the midst of rezoning and environmental clean-up; and the immigrant-rich and climate-vulnerable neighborhoods of Kensington and Borough Park. The district needs a thoughtful council member who can champion forward-looking policies and skillfully navigate trade-offs among them.
Current Council Member Shahana Hanif has shown she can do both, but she is facing a serious challenge from Brennan Center staffer Maya Kornberg in one of the most fiercely contested races this cycle. Much of the debate has been about whether Hanif has been too far left for the district on issues like policing and the war in Gaza; the issues most critical to the district’s affordability and quality of life have been less explored.
On housing, Hanif was a forceful advocate for City of Yes for Housing Opportunity in the Council, working behind the scenes to influence members of the Progressive Caucus, which she co-chairs, to support the creation of 80,000 new homes over the next decade. And recently, she ushered the contentious Arrow Linen rezoning (creating 250 homes) across the finish line, despite pressure from local NIMBY groups to reduce building heights further. Beyond housing, Hanif has fought for restored bus service, protected bike lanes, and congestion pricing. She earned a perfect score on the New York League of Conservation Voters’ legislative scorecard, supporting renewable energy deployment and resilience infrastructure—particularly in flood-prone Gowanus.
While Hanif’s early record on housing was uneven, she has shown meaningful growth in both rhetoric and action, recognizing the need for all types of housing to solve New York’s housing crisis. Her challenger, a respected democracy expert, is aligned on transit and climate policies, but she has echoed skepticism of market-rate development and sided with opponents of projects like the Arrow Linen rezoning—offering no clear improvement on housing policy.